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With
the proliferation of gambling venues worldwide, there has been a renewed
interest in the social, economic and psychological costs associated with
problem gamblers. While problem gambling has been primarily thought of
as an adult problem, there is a growing body of empirical evidence to
support examining problem gambling during adolescence (Derevensky, Gupta
& Della Cioppa, 1996; Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a, 1998b; Jacobs,
in press; Ladouceur & Dubé, 1994; Ladouceur, Dubé &
Bujold, 1994; National Gambling Impact Study Commission, 1999; National
Opinion Research Center, 1999; National Research Council, 1999; Stinchfield,
in press; Volberg, 1998; Wiebe, 1999; Wynne, Smith & Jacobs, 1996).
There
is little doubt that gambling and wagering remains a popular activity
amongst both children and adolescents. Research conducted over the past
decade suggests that gambling activities remain particularly attractive
to today’s youth. Moreover, its popularity is on the rise amongst
both children and adolescents. Large-scale prevalence studies and reviews
all confirm the high prevalence rates of youth gambling. In particular,
it is estimated that between 4% to 8% of adolescents presently exhibit
a serious gambling problem with another 10% to14 % of adolescents at risk
for developing or returning to a serious gambling problem (Shaffer &
Hall, 1996).
An
alarmingly high percentage of children and adolescents have reported engaging
in gambling activities. In one of our recent studies, we found 80.2% of
adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17 reported having gambled (defined
as wagering money) during the past 12 months, with 35.1% admitting gambling
at least once per week. The data further revealed that while 55% of adolescents
were casual or recreational gamblers, 13% reported having some gambling
related problems and 4%-6% % had a serious problem (Gupta & Derevensky,
1998a).
It
is important to note that differences in findings are often related to
the sampling procedure employed (e.g., telephone interview versus school
survey), the types of instruments used (e.g., SOGS-RA, DSM-IV-J, GA20),
cut-off criteria established and access to both legal and illegal gambling
opportunities (see Derevensky & Gupta, in press, for a more comprehensive
discussion of these issues). While some discrepancies may be attributable
to differences between assessment instruments, similar rates of problem/pathological
gambling for older adolescents (age 17 through 19) were found comparing
different instruments on the same sample (Derevensky & Gupta, in press).
Independent of differences, Shaffer and Hall’s (1996) Harvard meta-analysis
concluded that "...compared to adults, youth have had more exposure
to gambling during an age when vulnerability is high and risk-taking is
a norm; consequently, these young people have higher rates of disordered
gambling than their mature and less vulnerable counterparts."
The
growing concern with adolescent gambling was the focus of the North American
Think Tank on Youth Gambling held at Harvard University in April 1995.
It was part of the NORC gambling impact and behaviour study (NORC, 1999),
and was of particular concern to the members of the Committee on the Social
and Economic Impact of Pathological Gambling, U.S. National Research Council
(NRC, 1999). This renewed interest in youth gambling has resulted in a
significant increase in the number of funding opportunities and empirical
research studies concerning youth gambling. More recently, the field has
begun to go beyond merely conducting prevalence studies in an attempt
to broaden our understanding of youth gambling behaviours and to identify
specific characteristics and high-risk indices associated with problem/pathological
gambling (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a; Griffiths & Wood, in press).
Of
significant importance is that for most adults, teens, educators and many
psychologists, gambling continues to be viewed as an innocuous behaviour
with few harmful or negative consequences. Our clinical experience
shows that even when adolescents with serious gambling and gambling-related
problems enter our treatment program they don’t perceive themselves
as compulsive or pathological gamblers (Gupta & Derevensky, 1999;
Hardoon, Herman, Gupta & Derevensky, 1999). As one adolescent remarked,
"everyone seems to think I have a gambling problem, but I don’t
think I have one." Their perception of a pathological gambler is
a classic stereotypical picture, one that bears no resemblance to a teenager
whatsoever. As a result, most adolescents often fail to present themselves
for treatment.
Characteristically,
most individuals perceive the typical problem gambler to be an adult,
usually male, who has lost his job and family, who has committed a crime
in order to support this behaviour, who has deserted his children, etc.
While these gambling related problems are synonymous with adult pathological
gambling, the adolescent gambler with serious problems looks somewhat
different. Many are still students, who have never been married, who reside
with their parents, and who most have never held a full-time job or deserted
their families. As a result, treatment paradigms must be modified to accommodate
their developmental needs, interests, concerns, behaviours and the difficulties
they experience (Gupta & Derevensky, 1999; in press).
Problematic
gambling among adolescents has shown results in increased delinquency
and crime, the disruption of relationships, and impaired academic performance
and work activities (Ladouceur, Dubé & Bujold, 1994). While
these youth present themselves differently when they compare themselves
to adults, they nevertheless have similar characteristics. They repeatedly
lie to family and friends, borrow and steal money to support their gambling
behaviour, preoccupy themselves with gambling, sacrifice school, parents
and friends in order to continue their gambling, and engage in ‘chasing’
behaviour (Derevensky & Gupta, in press; Fisher, in press; Gupta &
Derevensky 1998a; 1998b; Wiebe, Cox & Mehmel, in press).
Contrary
to public opinion, our research and clinical work (Derevensky & Gupta,
1996; 1998; Gupta & Derevensky 1998a; 1998b; 1999) suggests that money
is not the predominant reason why children and adolescents gamble. For
adolescents with gambling problems, money is used as the vehicle that
enables them to continue playing. Most adolescents report that the primary
reasons for gambling are for the excitement and enjoyment derived from
these activities. Through their gambling activities (video lottery terminals,
sports betting, cards, lotteries, bingo or other forms of gambling) adolescents
with gambling problems exhibit a number of dissociative behaviours, such
as escaping into another world, often with altered egos (Gupta & Derevensky,
1998b). When gambling, adolescents with serious gambling problems report
that nothing else matters and that all their problems disappear. They
view gambling as a coping mechanism, albeit an ineffective one, for dealing
with their daily stresses and feelings of depression (Gupta & Derevensky,
1998b; 1999). For an adolescent with a gambling problem, a good day is
walking into a gaming room with $20, playing all day, and losing all their
money. A bad day is when the $20 only lasts 10 minutes.
While
parents and educators remain concerned about student smoking and use of
alcohol and drugs, little attention has been focused upon youth gambling
behaviour. Both elementary and secondary school students regularly engage
in gambling and do so more frequently than any other potentially addictive
behaviour (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a).
Our
research program has been designed to identify risk factors associated
with youth gambling problems, to examine the antecedents of the problem,
and to delineate effective strategies for prevention and the treatment
of youth with serious gambling problems. Despite some conflicting findings,
there appears to be an overall consensus that
- gambling is more popular amongst males than females (Fisher, 1990;
Govoni, Rupcich & Frisch, 1996; Griffiths, 1989; Gupta & Derevensky,
1998a; Ladouceur, Dubé & Bujold, 1994; Stinchfield, Cassuto,
Winters & Latimer, 1997; Wynne et al., 1996)
- probable pathological gamblers are greater risk-takers (Arnett,
1994; Breen & Zuckerman, 1996; Derevensky & Gupta, 1996; Powell,
Hardoon, Derevensky & Gupta 1999; Zuckerman, 1979; 1994; Zuckerman,
Eysenck & Eysenck, 1978)
- adolescent prevalence rates of pathological gamblers are two to
four times that of adults (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a; Shaffer
& Hall, 1996)
- adolescent problem/pathological gamblers have lower self-esteem
(Gupta & Derevensky, 1998b)
- problem gamblers have higher rates of depression (Gupta & Derevensky,
1998a; 1998b; Marget, Gupta & Derevensky, 1999)
- youth problem gamblers dissociate more frequently when gambling
compared with peers who have few gambling problems (Gupta & Derevensky,
1998b)
- adolescents with gambling problems are at heightened risk for suicide
ideation and suicide attempts (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a)
- while adolescents with gambling problems report having a support
group, old friends are often replaced by gambling associates (Derevensky,
1999)
- adolescents remain at increased risk for the development of an addiction
or polyaddictions (Gupta & Derevensky,1998a; 1998b; Kusyszyn,
1972; Lesieur & Klein, 1987; Winters & Anderson, in press).
Personality
correlates reveal specific at-risk traits with adolescent pathological
gamblers; they are more likely to be excitable, extroverted, anxious,
and have lower self-discipline and are less able to conform (Gupta &
Derevensky, 1997a; Vitaro, Ferland, Jacques & Ladouceur, 1998). These
personality traits have been found to be positively correlated with risk-taking
behaviours (Arnett, 1994; Gupta & Derevensky, 1997b; Zuckerman, 1979).
Our research and clinical data seem to suggest that these adolescents
have poor coping and adaptive skills. They remain unable to successfully
cope with the many adversities they experience on a daily basis, which
are particularly heightened during adolescence. As such, they use gambling
as a form of escape from the realities of daily life (Marget et al., 1999).
Age
of onset also appears to be a risk factor. Pathological gamblers reported
starting serious gambling at early ages (approximately age 10) (Gupta
& Derevensky, 1997b; 1998a; Wynne et al., 1996). Of particular concern
is the finding that the time between the onset of their initial gambling
and problem/disordered gambling appears to be significantly decreasing.
Still further, results indicate that children start gambling with family
members, especially parents and grandparents. Moreover, contrary to children’s
involvement with alcohol, drug and cigarette use, most of them do not
feel the need to hide their gambling behaviour from their families (Gupta
& Derevensky, 1997b; Ladouceur, Jacques, Ferland & Giroux, 1998).
The early "big win" has also been reported to be a factor underlying
problem gambling behaviour (Custer, 1982; Griffiths, 1995).
Problematic
gambling during adolescence remains a growing social problem and public
health concern with serious psychological, sociological, health and economic
implications (Korn & Shaffer, in press). Results have shown that pathological
gambling among adolescents increases delinquency and crime, antisocial
behaviour, disruption of relationships, and negatively affects overall
school performance and work activities. Given that there are frequently
few observable signs of gambling dependence among children and adolescents,
such problems have gone relatively undetected compared to other forms
of addiction (e.g., smoking, substance and alcohol abuse). The psychosocial
costs to the individual, his or her family and society as a result of
problem and pathological gambling are numerous (Lesieur, 1998).
While
occasional gambling should not necessarily be considered problematic,
the probability of children and adolescents becoming problem or pathological
gamblers remains worrisome. That many perceive gambling to be an innocuous
behaviour with few negative consequences has been supported by findings
that children and adolescents frequently gamble for money with their parents
and other family members. Young children form partnerships with their
parents in the purchase of lottery tickets and play cards and bingo for
money with relatives (Gupta & Derevensky, 1997b).
Even
in jurisdictions that prohibit sales of lottery and scratch tickets to
youth, there is ample evidence that the enforcement of these laws is minimal.
For example, New York State has legislation prohibiting the sale of lottery
tickets to any person under the age of 18. Under state law, individuals
selling even one lottery ticket to a minor can be charged with a misdemeanor.
As part of its commitment to protect minors, the New York State Lottery
launched Project 18+ to ensure the vigilant safeguarding of sales
to minors. While improvement has occurred, a random spot check in 1998
of 65 retailers indicated a failure rate of 26%. In addition to the heightened
vigilance prohibiting retailers from selling lottery tickets to minors
and the threat of license revocation (after three offenses), every lottery
advertisement (television, radio, print, etc.) explicitly contains a notice
"You must be 18 or older to play lottery games." Public service
announcements, billboards and stickers clearly visible to consumers also
indicate only individuals over 18 can purchase them. In some jurisdictions
no laws exist and unenforceable policies are in place. Many of the children
in our research report both purchasing and receiving scratch lottery tickets
as Christmas stocking stuffers. In yet another research study, we found
that by the time children leave elementary school (age 12), less than
10% of children fear getting caught gambling (Gupta & Derevensky,
1999). Similar results would not be found for cigarette smoking, alcohol
consumption or drug use.
Today,
children and adolescents are educated about the dangers inherent in smoking,
alcohol, and drug consumption. Few, however, are informed to understand
the potentially addictive qualities inherent in gambling activities. Many
schools and religious groups inadvertently endorse gambling by sponsoring
bingo or casino nights for both adults and youth as social events and
for fund-raising. Frequently, adolescents only recognize the potential
addictive quality of gambling after either they or their friends develop
problematic gambling behaviours. The widely held belief that gambling
is an innocuous behaviour with few negative consequences has contributed
to the lack of public awareness that gambling amongst children and adolescents
can lead to serious problems.
Educators
have long advocated that the way to succeed in life is through hard work,
study and academic achievement. Yet governments throughout the world,
via state-supported lotteries, argue that for $1 you can become an instant
millionaire. The fantasy of winning that Harley-Davidson motorcycle, a
luxurious automobile, or an exotic vacation may be extremely tempting
for many youth. While marketing arms of lottery corporations report not
to gear their advertisements toward youth, they nevertheless use sophisticated
and alluring advertisements particularly attractive to today’s youth.
Our data suggests that sports pools, sports lotteries and sports betting
are extraordinarily appealing to youth, especially boys, as they believe
their knowledge ensures their accurate prediction of the outcome of sports
events (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a). For children and teens, allowance
and lunch money are often used to purchase these tickets. Sports wagering
(both legal and illegal) continues to be a growing problem on college
campuses in the United States and Canada.
State
and provincial lottery associations need to adopt responsible advertising
programs. Advertisements that dissuade youth from engaging in these activities
should form part of their public service announcements, print, and television
campaigns. Lottery associations, and state and provincial legislatures
should provide severe penalties for retailers that permit underage gambling.
A systematic procedure for the enforcement of laws prohibiting youth gambling
must be initiated.
We
need to change the focus from the "treatment of the dysfunctional"
or "disease model" to a prevention model aimed at youth. While
little has been done in the field of gambling prevention (there are several
in development at the present time), there are ample successful models
from the substance abuse literature to emulate (Baer, 1993; Baer, MacLean
& Marlatt, 1998; Botvin, 1986; Shuckit, 2000; Winick & Larson,
1996).
Prevention models must incorporate
- the need for awareness of the problem
- activities that increase knowledge about youth gambling problems
- programs to help modify and change the attitude that gambling is
a harmless behaviour
- the teaching of successful coping and adaptive skills that would
prevent the development of problematic gambling
- the changing of inappropriate cognitions concerning the role of
skill and luck, the illusion of control, and the misperception of
the independence of events in gambling activities, and
- the identification, assessment, and referral of students whose gambling
behaviour is indicative of being at risk. These programs should be
school-based and incorporated at both elementary and secondary school
levels.
Gambling
venues and outlets continue to grow with government agencies throughout
the world sanctioning and encouraging participation despite rising social
costs. The reality remains that most individuals gamble responsibly, that
gambling has become a mainstream socially accepted form of entertainment,
and that governments throughout the world have become dependent upon and
addicted to the enormous revenues so generated. While gambling is illegal
for minors in many jurisdictions, there is clear evidence that underage
youth continue to gamble and many report doing so with family members.
Our
research efforts have been focused upon basic issues such as assessing
gambling severity; identifying physiological, psychological and socio-emotional
mechanisms that underlie excessive gambling behaviour among youth; the
efficacy of our treatment model; and the development of effective, empirically
validated prevention programs. Why some individuals continue to gamble
in spite of repeated losses is a complex problem. How to best educate,
prevent and treat these problems has become the focus of our research
program.
Little
doubt remains that gambling amongst youth is an important area in need
of further basic and applied research. It also needs a substantial infusion
of funding to support empirically based studies, and the development and
implementation of responsible social policy. Clinicians and researchers
must advocate for stronger legislation and enforcement of laws prohibiting
gambling by underage youth. Only a collaborative effort between the public,
industry, legislators, clinicians and researchers will ultimately help
resolve this problem.
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October 10, 1999 Accepted June 8, 2000
Jeffrey L. Derevensky, PhD, is a child psychologist and Professor
at the School of Applied Child Psychology, Department of Educational and
Counseling Psychology; Associate Professor, Department of Psychiatry;
and Associate Professor, Department of Community Dentistry at McGill University.
He is a clinical consultant to numerous hospitals, school boards, government
agencies and corporations. Dr. Derevensky has published widely and is
associate editor of the Journal of Gambling Studies, co-editor of the
Canadian Journal of School Psychology and is on the editorial board of
several journals. Dr. Derevensky is co-director of the McGill University
Youth Gambling Research & Treatment Clinic.
Rina Gupta, PhD, is a practising child psychologist and Assistant
Professor (part-time) at the School of Applied Child Psychology, Department
of Educational and Counseling Psychology at McGill University. She has
published widely and has focused her research and social policy work in
the area of youth gambling issues. Dr. Gupta is on the editorial board
of the Journal of Gambling Studies and is co-director of the McGill University
Youth Gambling Research & Treatment Clinic.
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