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With the proliferation of gambling venues worldwide, there has
been a renewed interest in the social, economic and psychological costs
associated with problem gamblers. While problem gambling has been primarily
thought of as an adult problem, there is a growing body of empirical evidence
to support examining problem gambling during adolescence (Derevensky,
Gupta & Della Cioppa, 1996; Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a, 1998b;
Jacobs, in press; Ladouceur & Dubé, 1994; Ladouceur, Dubé
& Bujold, 1994; National Gambling Impact Study Commission, 1999; National
Opinion Research Center, 1999; National Research Council, 1999; Stinchfield,
in press; Volberg, 1998; Wiebe, 1999; Wynne, Smith & Jacobs, 1996).
There is little doubt that gambling and wagering remains a popular activity
amongst both children and adolescents. Research conducted over the past
decade suggests that gambling activities remain particularly attractive
to today’s youth. Moreover, its popularity is on the rise amongst
both children and adolescents. Large-scale prevalence studies and reviews
all confirm the high prevalence rates of youth gambling. In particular,
it is estimated that between 4% and 8% of adolescents presently exhibit
a serious gambling problem with another 10% to14 % of adolescents at risk
for developing or returning to a serious gambling problem (Shaffer &
Hall, 1996).
An alarmingly high percentage of children and adolescents have reported
engaging in gambling activities. In one of our recent studies, we found
80.2% of adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17 reported having gambled
(defined as wagering money) during the past 12 months, with 35.1% admitting
gambling at least once per week. The data further revealed that while
55% of adolescents were casual or recreational gamblers, 13% reported
having some gambling related problems and 4%to 6% had a serious problem
(Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a).
It is important to note that differences in findings are often related
to the sampling procedure employed (e.g., telephone interview versus school
survey), the types of instruments used (e.g., SOGS-RA, DSM-IV-J, GA20),
cut-off criteria established and access to both legal and illegal gambling
opportunities (see Derevensky & Gupta, in press, for a more comprehensive
discussion of these issues). While some discrepancies may be attributable
to differences between assessment instruments, similar rates of problem/pathological
gambling for older adolescents (age 17 - 19) were found comparing different
instruments on the same sample (Derevensky & Gupta, in press). Independent
of differences, Shaffer and Hall’s (1996) Harvard meta-analysis concluded
that "...compared to adults, youth have had more exposure to gambling
during an age when vulnerability is high and risk-taking is a norm; consequently,
these young people have higher rates of disordered gambling than their
mature and less vulnerable counterparts."
The growing concern with adolescent gambling was the focus of the North
American Think Tank on Youth Gambling held at Harvard University in April
1995. It was part of the NORC gambling impact and behaviour study (NORC,
1999), and was of particular concern to the members of the Committee on
the Social and Economic Impact of Pathological Gambling, U.S. National
Research Council (NRC, 1999). This renewed interest in youth gambling
has resulted in a significant increase in the number of funding opportunities
and empirical research studies concerning youth gambling. More recently,
the field has begun to go beyond merely conducting prevalence studies
in an attempt to broaden our understanding of youth gambling behaviours
and to identify specific characteristics and high-risk indices associated
with problem/pathological gambling (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a; Griffiths
& Wood, in press).
Of significant importance is that for most adults, teens, educators and
many psychologists, gambling continues to be viewed as an innocuous behaviour
with few harmful or negative consequences. Our clinical experience
shows that even when adolescents with serious gambling and gambling-related
problems enter our treatment program they don’t perceive themselves
as compulsive or pathological gamblers (Gupta & Derevensky, 1999;
Hardoon, Herman, Gupta & Derevensky, 1999). As one adolescent remarked,
"everyone seems to think I have a gambling problem, but I don’t
think I have one." Their perception of a pathological gambler is
a classic stereotypical picture, one that bears no resemblance whatsoever
to a teenager. As a result, most adolescents often fail to present themselves
for treatment.
Characteristically, most individuals perceive the typical problem gambler
to be an adult, usually male, who has lost his job and family, who has
committed a crime in order to support this behaviour, who has deserted
his children, etc. While these gambling related problems are synonymous
with adult pathological gambling, the adolescent gambler with serious
problems looks somewhat different. Many are still students, who have never
been married, who reside with their parents, and who have never held a
full-time job or deserted their families. As a result, treatment paradigms
must be modified to accommodate their developmental needs, interests,
concerns, behaviours and the difficulties they experience (Gupta &
Derevensky, 1999; in press).
Problematic gambling among adolescents has shown results in increased
delinquency and crime, the disruption of relationships, and impaired academic
performance and work activities (Ladouceur, Dubé & Bujold,
1994). While these youth present themselves differently when they compare
themselves to adults, they nevertheless have similar characteristics.
They repeatedly lie to family and friends, borrow and steal money to support
their gambling behaviour, preoccupy themselves with gambling, sacrifice
school, parents and friends in order to continue their gambling, and engage
in ‘chasing’ behaviour (Derevensky & Gupta, in press; Fisher,
in press; Gupta & Derevensky 1998a; 1998b; Wiebe, Cox & Mehmel,
in press).
Contrary to public opinion, our research and clinical work (Derevensky
& Gupta, 1996; 1998; Gupta & Derevensky 1998a; 1998b; 1999) suggests
that money is not the predominant reason why children and adolescents
gamble. For adolescents with gambling problems, money is used as the vehicle
that enables them to continue playing. Most adolescents report that the
primary reasons for gambling are for the excitement and enjoyment derived
from these activities. Through their gambling activities (video lottery
terminals, sports betting, cards, lotteries, bingo or other forms of gambling)
adolescents with gambling problems exhibit a number of dissociative behaviours,
such as escaping into another world, often with altered egos (Gupta &
Derevensky, 1998b). When gambling, adolescents with serious gambling problems
report that nothing else matters and that all their problems disappear.
They view gambling as a coping mechanism, albeit an ineffective one, for
dealing with their daily stresses and feelings of depression (Gupta &
Derevensky, 1998b; 1999). For an adolescent with a gambling problem, a
good day is walking into a gaming room with $20, playing all day, and
losing all their money. A bad day is when the $20 only lasts 10 minutes.
While parents and educators remain concerned about student smoking and
use of alcohol and drugs, little attention has been focused upon youth
gambling behaviour. Both elementary and secondary school students regularly
engage in gambling and do so more frequently than any other potentially
addictive behaviour (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a).
Our research program has been designed to identify risk factors associated
with youth gambling problems, to examine the antecedents of the problem,
and to delineate effective strategies for prevention and the treatment
of youth with serious gambling problems. Despite some conflicting findings,
there appears to be an overall consensus that:
- gambling is more popular amongst males than females (Fisher, 1990;
Govoni, Rupcich & Frisch, 1996; Griffiths, 1989; Gupta & Derevensky,
1998a; Ladouceur, Dubé & Bujold, 1994; Stinchfield, Cassuto,
Winters & Latimer, 1997; Wynne et al., 1996)
- probable pathological gamblers are greater risk-takers (Arnett,
1994; Breen & Zuckerman, 1996; Derevensky & Gupta, 1996; Powell,
Hardoon, Derevensky & Gupta 1999; Zuckerman, 1979; 1994; Zuckerman,
Eysenck & Eysenck, 1978)
- adolescent prevalence rates of pathological gamblers are two to
four times that of adults (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a; Shaffer
& Hall, 1996)
- adolescent problem/pathological gamblers have lower self-esteem
(Gupta & Derevensky, 1998b)
- problem gamblers have higher rates of depression (Gupta & Derevensky,
1998a; 1998b; Marget, Gupta & Derevensky, 1999)
- youth problem gamblers dissociate more frequently when gambling
compared with peers who have few gambling problems (Gupta & Derevensky,
1998b)
- adolescents with gambling problems are at heightened risk for suicide
ideation and suicide attempts (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a)
- while adolescents with gambling problems report having a support
group, old friends are often replaced by gambling associates (Derevensky,
1999)
- adolescents remain at increased risk for the development of an addiction
or polyaddictions (Gupta & Derevensky,1998a; 1998b; Kusyszyn,
1972; Lesieur & Klein, 1987; Winters & Anderson, in press).
Personality correlates reveal specific at-risk traits with adolescent
pathological gamblers; they are more likely to be excitable, extroverted,
anxious, and have lower self-discipline and are less able to conform (Gupta
& Derevensky, 1997a; Vitaro, Ferland, Jacques & Ladouceur, 1998).
These personality traits have been found to be positively correlated with
risk-taking behaviours (Arnett, 1994; Gupta & Derevensky, 1997b; Zuckerman,
1979). Our research and clinical data seem to suggest that these adolescents
have poor coping and adaptive skills. They remain unable to successfully
cope with the many adversities they experience on a daily basis, which
are particularly heightened during adolescence. As such, they use gambling
as a form of escape from the realities of daily life (Marget et al., 1999).
Age of onset also appears to be a risk factor. Pathological gamblers
reported starting serious gambling at early ages (approximately age 10)
(Gupta & Derevensky, 1997b; 1998a; Wynne et al., 1996). Of particular
concern is the finding that the time between the onset of their initial
gambling and problem/disordered gambling appears to be significantly decreasing.
Still further, results indicate that children start gambling with family
members, especially parents and grandparents. Moreover, contrary to children’s
involvement with alcohol, drug and cigarette use, most of them do not
feel the need to hide their gambling behaviour from their families (Gupta
& Derevensky, 1997b; Ladouceur, Jacques, Ferland & Giroux, 1998).
The early "big win" has also been reported to be a factor underlying
problem gambling behaviour (Custer, 1982; Griffiths, 1995).
Problematic gambling during adolescence remains a growing social problem
and public health concern with serious psychological, sociological, health
and economic implications (Korn & Shaffer, in press). Results have
shown that pathological gambling among adolescents increases delinquency
and crime, antisocial behaviour, disruption of relationships, and negatively
affects overall school performance and work activities. Given that there
are frequently few observable signs of gambling dependence among children
and adolescents, such problems have gone relatively undetected compared
to other forms of addiction (e.g., smoking, substance and alcohol abuse).
The psychosocial costs to the individual, his or her family and society
as a result of problem and pathological gambling are numerous (Lesieur,
1998).
While occasional gambling should not necessarily be considered problematic,
the probability of children and adolescents becoming problem or pathological
gamblers remains worrisome. That many perceive gambling to be an innocuous
behaviour with few negative consequences has been supported by findings
that children and adolescents frequently gamble for money with their parents
and other family members. Young children form partnerships with their
parents in the purchase of lottery tickets and play cards and bingo for
money with relatives (Gupta & Derevensky, 1997b).
Even in jurisdictions that prohibit sales of lottery and scratch tickets
to youth, there is ample evidence that the enforcement of these laws is
minimal. For example, New York State has legislation prohibiting the sale
of lottery tickets to any person under the age of 18. Under state law,
individuals selling even one lottery ticket to a minor can be charged
with a misdemeanor. As part of its commitment to protect minors, the New
York State Lottery launched Project 18+ to ensure the vigilant
safeguarding of sales to minors. While improvement has occurred, a random
spot check in 1998 of 65 retailers indicated a failure rate of 26%. In
addition to the heightened vigilance prohibiting retailers from selling
lottery tickets to minors and the threat of license revocation (after
three offenses), every lottery advertisement (television, radio, print,
etc.) explicitly contains a notice "You must be 18 or older to play
lottery games." Public service announcements, billboards and stickers
clearly visible to consumers also indicate only individuals over 18 can
purchase them. In some jurisdictions no laws exist and unenforceable policies
are in place. Many of the children in our research report both purchasing
and receiving scratch lottery tickets as Christmas stocking stuffers.
In yet another research study, we found that by the time children leave
elementary school (age 12), less than 10% of children fear getting caught
gambling (Gupta & Derevensky, 1999). Similar results would not be
found for cigarette smoking, alcohol consumption or drug use.
Today, children and adolescents are educated about the dangers inherent
in smoking, alcohol, and drug consumption. Few, however, are informed
to understand the potentially addictive qualities inherent in gambling
activities. Many schools and religious groups inadvertently endorse gambling
by sponsoring bingo or casino nights for both adults and youth as social
events and for fund-raising. Frequently, adolescents only recognize the
potential addictive quality of gambling after either they or their friends
develop problematic gambling behaviours. The widely held belief that gambling
is an innocuous behaviour with few negative consequences has contributed
to the lack of public awareness that gambling amongst children and adolescents
can lead to serious problems.
Educators have long advocated that the way to succeed in life is through
hard work, study and academic achievement. Yet governments throughout
the world, via state-supported lotteries, argue that for $1 you can become
an instant millionaire. The fantasy of winning that Harley-Davidson motorcycle,
a luxurious automobile, or an exotic vacation may be extremely tempting
for many youth. While marketing arms of lottery corporations report not
to gear their advertisements toward youth, they nevertheless use sophisticated
and alluring advertisements particularly attractive to today’s youth.
Our data suggests that sports pools, sports lotteries and sports betting
are extraordinarily appealing to youth, especially boys, as they believe
their knowledge ensures their accurate prediction of the outcome of sports
events (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998a). For children and teens, allowance
and lunch money are often used to purchase these tickets. Sports wagering
(both legal and illegal) continues to be a growing problem on college
campuses in the United States and Canada.
State and provincial lottery associations need to adopt responsible advertising
programs. Advertisements that dissuade youth from engaging in these activities
should form part of their public service announcements, print, and television
campaigns. Lottery associations, and state and provincial legislatures
should provide severe penalties for retailers that permit underage gambling.
A systematic procedure for the enforcement of laws prohibiting youth gambling
must be initiated.
We need to change the focus from the "treatment of the dysfunctional"
or "disease model" to a prevention model aimed at youth. While
little has been done in the field of gambling prevention (there are several
in development at the present time), there are ample successful models
from the substance abuse literature to emulate (Baer, 1993; Baer, MacLean
& Marlatt, 1998; Botvin, 1986; Shuckit, 2000; Winick & Larson,
1996).
Prevention models must incorporate:
- the need for awareness of the problem
- activities that increase knowledge about youth gambling problems
- programs to help modify and change the attitude that gambling is
a harmless behaviour
- the teaching of successful coping and adaptive skills that would
prevent the development of problematic gambling
- the changing of inappropriate cognitions concerning the role of
skill and luck, the illusion of control, and the misperception of
the independence of events in gambling activities, and
- the identification, assessment, and referral of students whose gambling
behaviour is indicative of being at risk. These programs should be
school-based and incorporated at both elementary and secondary school
levels.
Gambling venues and outlets continue to grow with government agencies
throughout the world sanctioning and encouraging participation despite
rising social costs. The reality remains that most individuals gamble
responsibly, that gambling has become a mainstream socially accepted form
of entertainment, and that governments throughout the world have become
dependent upon and addicted to the enormous revenues so generated. While
gambling is illegal for minors in many jurisdictions, there is clear evidence
that underage youth continue to gamble and many report doing so with family
members.
Our research efforts have been focused upon basic issues such as assessing
gambling severity; identifying physiological, psychological and socio-emotional
mechanisms that underlie excessive gambling behaviour among youth; the
efficacy of our treatment model; and the development of effective, empirically
validated prevention programs. Why some individuals continue to gamble
in spite of repeated losses is a complex problem. How to best educate,
prevent and treat these problems has become the focus of our research
program.
Little doubt remains that gambling amongst youth is an important area
in need of further basic and applied research. It also needs a substantial
infusion of funding to support empirically based studies, and the development
and implementation of responsible social policy. Clinicians and researchers
must advocate for stronger legislation and enforcement of laws prohibiting
gambling by underage youth. Only a collaborative effort between the public,
industry, legislators, clinicians and researchers will ultimately help
resolve this problem.
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Submitted October 10, 1999
Accepted June 8, 2000
Jeffrey L. Derevensky, PhD, is a child psychologist and Professor
at the School of Applied Child Psychology, Department of Educational and
Counseling Psychology; Associate Professor, Department of Psychiatry;
and Associate Professor, Department of Community Dentistry at McGill University.
He is a clinical consultant to numerous hospitals, school boards, government
agencies and corporations. Dr. Derevensky has published widely and is
associate editor of the Journal of Gambling Studies, co-editor
of the Canadian Journal of School Psychology and is on the editorial
board of several journals. Dr. Derevensky is co-director of the McGill
University Youth Gambling Research & Treatment Clinic.
Rina Gupta, PhD, is a practising child psychologist and Assistant
Professor (part-time) at the School of Applied Child Psychology, Department
of Educational and Counseling Psychology at McGill University. She has
published widely and has focused her research and social policy work in
the area of youth gambling issues. Dr. Gupta is on the editorial board
of the Journal of Gambling Studies and is co-director of the McGill
University Youth Gambling Research & Treatment Clinic.
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